We are now close to one hundred and fifty unit of Italy: from the time when an ancient nation has created a unitary state that has led us first to liberalism, then the fascist dictatorship and then a republic Democratic also always in danger, under attack from many quarters and still standing, albeit with many wounds. Now
an initial assessment is necessary to move forward. And open up new prospects for a future that promises to be difficult but it should at least tend to overcome the authoritarian populism that dominated Italy in the last sixteen. If you look at what has happened in and a half century that separates us from the proclamation of the Kingdom of Italy ruled by King Vittorio Emanuele II of Savoy discover that some negative characteristics of the country are still up and weigh down our way.
I think the lack of civil education of the masses, to the lines of patronage and personal and group selfishness that characterizes the conduct of a small portion of the ruling classes, the net difference between the parts of the country, starting with the North and South, in the presence of mafia associations overflowing in many regions of the country, not to mention the capital itself, with the domination of the economy and local politics. And yet the poor
constitutional division between Church and State, to the perpetuation of an old habit is defined as "union" between the majority and opposition forces, and later in the second half of the nineteenth century as "Transformation" and still later, in the sixties and seventies of the twentieth century, had among its protagonists the leader of the communist left and it was called then "consociativismo.
But that, in its various incarnations, is always the tendency to political monopoly that was the negation of liberalism as a modern socialism and meant always confusion between the historical roles of the government and the opposition. And then in a country that has a constitution that is advanced and modern but is written in a very large, far from being implemented, the rule of law covered by the laws of the republic but that is not at this time, as has already happened several times in recent decades practiced effectively by the government and the parliamentary majority.
short in a crisis state and society that can not be overcome by the existence of a ruling class is often not adequate to their task and a 'political opposition divided and only partially determined to fight, some of which consists of personality, aspire too, first of all to seize power and dream as an alternative to populism that we have already pointed out, however, should be elaborated and clarified before the inevitable clash election. And this has not happened yet. The problem today is not only to replace the current government and, instead, set up another, but rather to indicate a different perspective on the program plan to implement, but also to build a political class of government other than that current, which makes policy to pursue the public interest rather than private.
If we look away from the liberal sixty years that has characterized the first decades of national unification until the victory of the fascist movement and the dictatorship of Mussolini, we discover that the Italian liberal regime has had positive characteristics for the first decades of development and economic and social development of the country but subsequently became negative above, before, during and after the World War I, so as to favor the fascist victory
In particular, the authoritarian and undemocratic social policies, in most cases close to the needs of the masses, the presence of a monarchy that always oscillates between parliamentary politics and the dynastic and a Vatican that, for fear of communism and socialism, to their future stars of fascism. And more failures and trauma of war, internal divisions with the ruling classes, the difficulty of adapting to modernity and the demands of new political parties.
Just look at some of the contradictions of the period's most prominent liberal by Francesco Crispi, a Sicilian, who begins his action with the Action Party and the firm Garibaldi and then becomes nationalist and colonialist so having to leave the power to defeat of our colonial troops at Adowa. So Giovanni Giolitti, former public official, a supporter of democratic liberalism, open to Socialists, but at the same time, a little worried about the gap between North and South that takes advantage of dealers unscrupulously Puglia to a seasoned political struggle of violence in the southern lands as Gaetano Salvemini denounced as a "minister of the underworld."
And in the final stages of post-war crisis, wrongly convinced of the possibility of using the Fascists of Mussolini as "doctors" of the disease state and then can subsequently be monitored and reported to the opposition. These elements are underlying weakness of liberal democracy and its failure early Italian fascist assault in the early twenties of the twentieth century. Unlike what happens in the German Weimar Republic that only a decade later, during a terrible European and world economic crisis, surrenders to the onslaught of Hitler and his National Socialist German Workers Party. And most importantly, unlike other European countries ruled by democratic and liberal experiments like France and Britain, who can dismiss the fascist movements (or similar to) the same time and retain the freedoms in the period between two world wars.
Fascist Italy last twenty years and would last much longer, if the second world war and the military defeat of Italy had not led to the rebellion of the Fascist leaders, linked with the Savoy monarchy, with the Vatican and entrepreneurs more active, that 25 luglio1943 or just before leaving Mussolini.
retrive more forces of the Italian company, as its movement, pushing Mussolini in contrast to connect again with the German ally and founded the Italian Social Republic ephemeral to last twenty months in a terrible and devastating war that crosses Italian territory, marking the deaths of tens of thousands of Italians and the deportation of nine thousand Jews, but not only of over twenty thousand political opponents and persecuted by the regime in the war camp in occupied Europe by the Third Reich.
The contradictions of the protagonists in the crisis more from Mussolini to Vittorio Emanuele III to Pius XII occupy this period and have generated over the years, endless controversy until the last thirty years when I finally emerged from the American and British archives, as well as those fascists, the decisive elements of interpretation of the overall crisis. The Fascist dictatorship resulted in a slow and contradictory modernization of Italy, has solved the crisis of 1929 with a mixed economy that has saved the companies in trouble and bore great losses to the state, focusing IRA holdings public. Italy in the years of dictatorship, has been transformed into a state that sees a diarchy in power, formed by the Prime Minister, who is also head of the charismatic movement and the Fascist party, and by a king who has the power constituted by the oath that the military's need and the traditional deference he deserves as Head of State
Thanks to war and the Anglo-American military victory in World War II, which cooperate with the partisans on the national theater of war, the Italians are released at the end of fascism and manage to establish a parliamentary republic, governed by the Constitution of January 1, 1948. This is the great innovation of the last seventy years. It does not make much sense to talk about first and second republic, since in this period there has been and still is, despite the numerous attempts by the right, one republican constitution to which reference. But seventy years is a long time in history and in the decades that have characterized it, things have changed significantly. The first twenty years have marked the most intense period of Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union and internal events that saw the domination of the Catholic party Democrat first alone, then with the Socialist Party as a partner Government, and placing the Italian Communist Party to the opposition but with an undoubted role of political and economic importance, especially in certain regions of the country. The protagonists
of this first period of the republic called Alcide De Gasperi, Pietro Nenni, Palmiro Togliatti and Ugo La Malfa. And, in the Vatican, Pius XII and John XXIII first and then later Paul VI. In the fifties Amintore Fanfani, after the early fall of De Gasperi, the reorganization of the party, trying to make a modern mass party consisting of groups that vie for power inside with various methods and the formation of large currents organized. The next twenty years have seen many attempts to go beyond the center-left alliance that has made some fundamental reforms in the fifties and sixties but failed to eliminate the negative aspects which we stressed at the beginning and who have led to a crisis and then at the end of the republican political system in the early nineties of the twentieth century.
Already in the sixties, the political crisis has emerged with the experiment of the government Tambroni and the attempted coup of 1964 had been particularly intimidating - as has historically been found by now - but not to General De Lorenzo to President Antonio Segni , suffered a stroke while arguing with Saragat that the minister did not agree with him. It is at this point, after the failure of a "historic compromise" which saw, in a short-lived marriage, the Christian Democrats and Communists seek to deal with the terrorists of the opposite color, however, related to the secret services and tackle the economic crisis has opened the decisive crisis of the republic and the rise for the second time in the twentieth century, a charismatic leader, who won with the election to power in 1994 and left in 1996 and 2006, but reconquered in 2001 and 2008 and, most importantly, preserving cultural and political hegemony already achieved in the seventies and eighties due to electoral defeat not only cultural but also the Communist Party.
Celebrities who have been involved in this second period of the republic are among politicians who remind Italians today only in part but have weighed in our country, such as Aldo Moro, the Catholic among the most important authors of the Constitution, and especially two men who dominate the Republican crisis, Giulio Andreotti, seven times prime minister and minister of the Republic many times, investigated in the nineties and sentenced for criminal association, saved only by prescription until the assessed eighties by the decision of the judges, and Craxi, long dominant in the Socialist Party and a supporter of a sharecropping dc-psi in the government of the republic, which favors the expansion of public corruption and leaves the country by hiding in adventurous circumstances, ending his life sought by prosecutors in Tunis. So it occurred
import into our country through television commercial and then the public, that went behind instead of fighting it, an overview of social life which follows the U.S., but with some stretches its ideology Italian older, and that puts together the reckless pursuit of money clericalism and profit with a blunt and sometimes a cult of the primitive clan and family that binds more or less directly to the Mafia methods emerging as an ideology, beyond the newest and most modern trappings that are bandied about by the propaganda of populism.
The last sixteen years have been characterized, with short intervals, degradation of public life in all its forms, repeated the attack, and sometimes effective, the basic principles of the constitution which are the basis of the constitutional articles, such as Article 3 on the equality of citizens questioned by the various "Lodi" and "legitimate grounds "Article 21, which indicates the general rules for freedom of thought and expression, and yet Article 33 and Article 34 concerning the freedom of education and the rights of Italians to reach the highest levels of knowledge regardless of social and economic individual. The republic, in short, has undergone a fairly radical revision that results in parliamentary approval as a project of constitutional revision in 2005 but which is rejected by the Italians in 2006 that eventually rejected the referendum and report things to the previous situation.
The republic is wound so in a rather serious but not yet dead. So what we are living in 2011 is likely to become, once again, a decisive moment for the Italians. O will be able in the majority, perhaps through an alliance between old and new generations unpublished, to overthrow the current balances and create new ones which the protagonists see more healthy forces of the nation, or populism once again regain the affosserà and, in a manner likely to be almost the end, the democratic republic and constitutional freedoms. There is no other way and can not be realized. And it is this contingency that calls together diverse and heterogeneous forces that do not rely as much all'antiberlusconismo values \u200b\u200bof the Constitution of modern social democracy, individual freedom and collective expected (but disregarded in the present Italian crisis ) in the most advanced constitutions in the twentieth century.
an initial assessment is necessary to move forward. And open up new prospects for a future that promises to be difficult but it should at least tend to overcome the authoritarian populism that dominated Italy in the last sixteen. If you look at what has happened in and a half century that separates us from the proclamation of the Kingdom of Italy ruled by King Vittorio Emanuele II of Savoy discover that some negative characteristics of the country are still up and weigh down our way.
I think the lack of civil education of the masses, to the lines of patronage and personal and group selfishness that characterizes the conduct of a small portion of the ruling classes, the net difference between the parts of the country, starting with the North and South, in the presence of mafia associations overflowing in many regions of the country, not to mention the capital itself, with the domination of the economy and local politics. And yet the poor
constitutional division between Church and State, to the perpetuation of an old habit is defined as "union" between the majority and opposition forces, and later in the second half of the nineteenth century as "Transformation" and still later, in the sixties and seventies of the twentieth century, had among its protagonists the leader of the communist left and it was called then "consociativismo.
But that, in its various incarnations, is always the tendency to political monopoly that was the negation of liberalism as a modern socialism and meant always confusion between the historical roles of the government and the opposition. And then in a country that has a constitution that is advanced and modern but is written in a very large, far from being implemented, the rule of law covered by the laws of the republic but that is not at this time, as has already happened several times in recent decades practiced effectively by the government and the parliamentary majority.
short in a crisis state and society that can not be overcome by the existence of a ruling class is often not adequate to their task and a 'political opposition divided and only partially determined to fight, some of which consists of personality, aspire too, first of all to seize power and dream as an alternative to populism that we have already pointed out, however, should be elaborated and clarified before the inevitable clash election. And this has not happened yet. The problem today is not only to replace the current government and, instead, set up another, but rather to indicate a different perspective on the program plan to implement, but also to build a political class of government other than that current, which makes policy to pursue the public interest rather than private.
If we look away from the liberal sixty years that has characterized the first decades of national unification until the victory of the fascist movement and the dictatorship of Mussolini, we discover that the Italian liberal regime has had positive characteristics for the first decades of development and economic and social development of the country but subsequently became negative above, before, during and after the World War I, so as to favor the fascist victory
In particular, the authoritarian and undemocratic social policies, in most cases close to the needs of the masses, the presence of a monarchy that always oscillates between parliamentary politics and the dynastic and a Vatican that, for fear of communism and socialism, to their future stars of fascism. And more failures and trauma of war, internal divisions with the ruling classes, the difficulty of adapting to modernity and the demands of new political parties.
Just look at some of the contradictions of the period's most prominent liberal by Francesco Crispi, a Sicilian, who begins his action with the Action Party and the firm Garibaldi and then becomes nationalist and colonialist so having to leave the power to defeat of our colonial troops at Adowa. So Giovanni Giolitti, former public official, a supporter of democratic liberalism, open to Socialists, but at the same time, a little worried about the gap between North and South that takes advantage of dealers unscrupulously Puglia to a seasoned political struggle of violence in the southern lands as Gaetano Salvemini denounced as a "minister of the underworld."
And in the final stages of post-war crisis, wrongly convinced of the possibility of using the Fascists of Mussolini as "doctors" of the disease state and then can subsequently be monitored and reported to the opposition. These elements are underlying weakness of liberal democracy and its failure early Italian fascist assault in the early twenties of the twentieth century. Unlike what happens in the German Weimar Republic that only a decade later, during a terrible European and world economic crisis, surrenders to the onslaught of Hitler and his National Socialist German Workers Party. And most importantly, unlike other European countries ruled by democratic and liberal experiments like France and Britain, who can dismiss the fascist movements (or similar to) the same time and retain the freedoms in the period between two world wars.
Fascist Italy last twenty years and would last much longer, if the second world war and the military defeat of Italy had not led to the rebellion of the Fascist leaders, linked with the Savoy monarchy, with the Vatican and entrepreneurs more active, that 25 luglio1943 or just before leaving Mussolini.
retrive more forces of the Italian company, as its movement, pushing Mussolini in contrast to connect again with the German ally and founded the Italian Social Republic ephemeral to last twenty months in a terrible and devastating war that crosses Italian territory, marking the deaths of tens of thousands of Italians and the deportation of nine thousand Jews, but not only of over twenty thousand political opponents and persecuted by the regime in the war camp in occupied Europe by the Third Reich.
The contradictions of the protagonists in the crisis more from Mussolini to Vittorio Emanuele III to Pius XII occupy this period and have generated over the years, endless controversy until the last thirty years when I finally emerged from the American and British archives, as well as those fascists, the decisive elements of interpretation of the overall crisis. The Fascist dictatorship resulted in a slow and contradictory modernization of Italy, has solved the crisis of 1929 with a mixed economy that has saved the companies in trouble and bore great losses to the state, focusing IRA holdings public. Italy in the years of dictatorship, has been transformed into a state that sees a diarchy in power, formed by the Prime Minister, who is also head of the charismatic movement and the Fascist party, and by a king who has the power constituted by the oath that the military's need and the traditional deference he deserves as Head of State
Thanks to war and the Anglo-American military victory in World War II, which cooperate with the partisans on the national theater of war, the Italians are released at the end of fascism and manage to establish a parliamentary republic, governed by the Constitution of January 1, 1948. This is the great innovation of the last seventy years. It does not make much sense to talk about first and second republic, since in this period there has been and still is, despite the numerous attempts by the right, one republican constitution to which reference. But seventy years is a long time in history and in the decades that have characterized it, things have changed significantly. The first twenty years have marked the most intense period of Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union and internal events that saw the domination of the Catholic party Democrat first alone, then with the Socialist Party as a partner Government, and placing the Italian Communist Party to the opposition but with an undoubted role of political and economic importance, especially in certain regions of the country. The protagonists
of this first period of the republic called Alcide De Gasperi, Pietro Nenni, Palmiro Togliatti and Ugo La Malfa. And, in the Vatican, Pius XII and John XXIII first and then later Paul VI. In the fifties Amintore Fanfani, after the early fall of De Gasperi, the reorganization of the party, trying to make a modern mass party consisting of groups that vie for power inside with various methods and the formation of large currents organized. The next twenty years have seen many attempts to go beyond the center-left alliance that has made some fundamental reforms in the fifties and sixties but failed to eliminate the negative aspects which we stressed at the beginning and who have led to a crisis and then at the end of the republican political system in the early nineties of the twentieth century.
Already in the sixties, the political crisis has emerged with the experiment of the government Tambroni and the attempted coup of 1964 had been particularly intimidating - as has historically been found by now - but not to General De Lorenzo to President Antonio Segni , suffered a stroke while arguing with Saragat that the minister did not agree with him. It is at this point, after the failure of a "historic compromise" which saw, in a short-lived marriage, the Christian Democrats and Communists seek to deal with the terrorists of the opposite color, however, related to the secret services and tackle the economic crisis has opened the decisive crisis of the republic and the rise for the second time in the twentieth century, a charismatic leader, who won with the election to power in 1994 and left in 1996 and 2006, but reconquered in 2001 and 2008 and, most importantly, preserving cultural and political hegemony already achieved in the seventies and eighties due to electoral defeat not only cultural but also the Communist Party.
Celebrities who have been involved in this second period of the republic are among politicians who remind Italians today only in part but have weighed in our country, such as Aldo Moro, the Catholic among the most important authors of the Constitution, and especially two men who dominate the Republican crisis, Giulio Andreotti, seven times prime minister and minister of the Republic many times, investigated in the nineties and sentenced for criminal association, saved only by prescription until the assessed eighties by the decision of the judges, and Craxi, long dominant in the Socialist Party and a supporter of a sharecropping dc-psi in the government of the republic, which favors the expansion of public corruption and leaves the country by hiding in adventurous circumstances, ending his life sought by prosecutors in Tunis. So it occurred
import into our country through television commercial and then the public, that went behind instead of fighting it, an overview of social life which follows the U.S., but with some stretches its ideology Italian older, and that puts together the reckless pursuit of money clericalism and profit with a blunt and sometimes a cult of the primitive clan and family that binds more or less directly to the Mafia methods emerging as an ideology, beyond the newest and most modern trappings that are bandied about by the propaganda of populism.
The last sixteen years have been characterized, with short intervals, degradation of public life in all its forms, repeated the attack, and sometimes effective, the basic principles of the constitution which are the basis of the constitutional articles, such as Article 3 on the equality of citizens questioned by the various "Lodi" and "legitimate grounds "Article 21, which indicates the general rules for freedom of thought and expression, and yet Article 33 and Article 34 concerning the freedom of education and the rights of Italians to reach the highest levels of knowledge regardless of social and economic individual. The republic, in short, has undergone a fairly radical revision that results in parliamentary approval as a project of constitutional revision in 2005 but which is rejected by the Italians in 2006 that eventually rejected the referendum and report things to the previous situation.
The republic is wound so in a rather serious but not yet dead. So what we are living in 2011 is likely to become, once again, a decisive moment for the Italians. O will be able in the majority, perhaps through an alliance between old and new generations unpublished, to overthrow the current balances and create new ones which the protagonists see more healthy forces of the nation, or populism once again regain the affosserà and, in a manner likely to be almost the end, the democratic republic and constitutional freedoms. There is no other way and can not be realized. And it is this contingency that calls together diverse and heterogeneous forces that do not rely as much all'antiberlusconismo values \u200b\u200bof the Constitution of modern social democracy, individual freedom and collective expected (but disregarded in the present Italian crisis ) in the most advanced constitutions in the twentieth century.
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